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Viewpoint - April 28, 2011
Questions about "Hamas-Fatah reconciliation"
Submitted by: Ali Abunimah
Big news today about a reported "Hamas-Fatah reconcili-
ation" deal. What does it mean? First, here's what we
know from Reuters:
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas's Fatah movement has
struck an agreement with bitter rival Hamas on forming
an interim government and fixing a date for a general
election, officials said Wednesday.
The surprise deal was brokered by Egypt and followed secret
talks between the two sides, who fought a brief civil war
in 2007 that left the Islamist Hamas in control of the Gaza
Strip and the Western-backed Abbas in charge of the West
Bank.
Forging Palestinian unity is regarded as crucial to reviv-
ing any prospect for an independent Palestinian state.
"We have agreed to form a government composed of independ-
ent figures that would start preparing for presidential
and parliamentary elections," said Azzam al-Ahmad, the
head of Fatah's negotiating team in Cairo. "Elections
would be held in about eight months from now," he added.
Ordinary Palestinians have repeatedly urged their leaders
to resolve their deep divisions, but analysts had long
argued that the differences between the two sides on
issues such as security and diplomacy were too wide to
bridge.
Mahmoud al-Zahar, a senior Hamas leader who participated
in the talks, said the agreement covered five points,
including elections, forming an interim unity government
and combining security forces.
"We also discussed activating the Palestinian Legislative
Council, the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization) as
well as forming a government consisting of nationalist
figures to be agreed upon," Zahar told Al Jazeera tele-
vision in an interview.
He also said Hamas and Fatah agreed to free prisoners held
by each side.
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What does any of this mean? At this point, neither side
has published the text of an agreement - and certainly
Palestinians have a right to see one; they have had
enough of secret deals and understandings.
Some immediate questions that come to mind and give rise
to skepticism:
- If there is an agreement on a joint "government" how can
it possibly function without Israeli approval? Will Israel
allow Hamas ministers be able to operate freely in the
occupied West Bank? Will PA officials be able to move free-
ly between the West Bank and Gaza? Israel is effectively
at peace with the current Abbas wing of the Palestinian
Authority and at war with Hamas. Impossible to see how
such a government can operate under Israeli occupation.
If anything this proves the impossibility of democracy
and normal governance under Israeli military occupation.
- In The Palestine Papers, the main concern of Ramallah
officials was always to maintain Western financial aid
to the PA, and not to make any agreement with Hamas that
would jeopardize American and European financing for the
PA. Has the Abbas PA overcome that fear, or have they
reached understandings with donors that would allow Hamas
to join a Palestinian Authority "government"?
- Integration of security forces. Currently, Hamas in
Gaza and the Abbas-run PA in the West Bank operate rival
security forces. The Abbas security forces cooperate
openly with the Israeli occupation including "welcoming"
and hosting the Israeli chief of staff, as described by
the PA's Nablus governor yesterday. The Abbas forces are
financed and supervised by the United States and their
purpose has explicitly been to fight Hamas. Hamas' forces
by contrast are viewed as an enemy by Israel, and are
frequently subject to military attacks and extrajudicial
executions by Israel. Can such opposing forces really be
combined without the Abbas side either renouncing its
close ties to the Israeli military, or the Hamas side
abandoning any commitment to resistance?
- Elections: What is the point of having elections in the
West Bank and Gaza Strip once more under conditions of
brutal Israeli military occupation, siege and control?
Neither the West Bank government nor the Gaza government
are truly in control of the fate of Palestinians. The
power lies in Israel's hands. As I wrote recently, such
elections only further the illusion of self-governance
while doing nothing to challenge or change actual Israeli
control. And, when there is so much political repression
in the West Bank, and indeed in Gaza, how can we have a
guarantee of free elections?
- Reform of the PLO: If Hamas and Abbas made a deal to
reform the PLO which just includes adding Hamas to the
dead body of the PLO how will that serve the Palestinian
people? What about elections for the Palestinian National
Council that include ALL Palestinians, including the major-
ity which does not live in the 1967 occupied territories?
A deal where Abbas and Hamas make a cozy deal to share
seats in an undemocratic PLO is simply unacceptable.
- More broadly, the goal for Palestinians should not be
"unity" among factions, but unity of goals for the
Palestinian people. What is the purpose and platform of
the planned "transitional government" other than merely
to exist? A real Palestinian strategy that unites all
segments of the Palestinian people has been articulated
by the BDS movement:
(a) an end to occupation and colonization of the 1967
territories; (b) full equality and an end to all forms
of discrimination against Palestinians in the 1948 areas
("Israel"); and (c) full respect and implementation of
the rights of Palestinian refugees. Notably neither Fatah
Abbas nor Hamas have endorsed this campaign, and neither
has articulated a realistic strategy aimed at restoring
the rights of all Palestinians.
- Update -
The White House has now commented on the reported "unity"
deal. From Reuters:
"The United States supports Palestinian reconciliation on
terms which promote the cause of peace. Hamas, however, is
a terrorist organization which targets civilians," White
House spokesman Tommy Vietor said in a statement.
"To play a constructive role in achieving peace, any
Palestinian government must accept the Quartet principles
and renounce violence, abide by past agreements, and
recognize Israel's right to exist," he said.
This indicates that the US position opposing Palestinian
unity except on terms acceptable to Israel and the United
States, has not softened. Given this, it's very difficult
to see this going very far.
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