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A Tale of Two Protests
The subdued US reaction to events in Egypt sits in sharp
contrast to its previous support for Iranian protesters.
by: Mohammed Khan
Cast your minds back to June 2009 and the aftermath of
Iran's disputed presidential elections. Months of unrest
following the re-election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and
severe crackdowns meted out by the state security
apparatus captured the airwaves not only in the Middle
East but across the globe.
International news organisations devoted considerable time
and energy to Iran's supposed "Green Revolution". Western
governments, already ramping up pressure on the Iranian
leadership over the latter's controversial nuclear
programme, piped in with further vitriol against the
Islamic Republic, condemning the leadership for its
suppression of protesters.
Here is what the US president said back then: "I strongly
condemn these unjust actions [by the Iranian state]"
against the protesters. The US and the entire world are
"appalled and outraged" by Iran's efforts to crush the
opposition. While denying that the US was seeking to
interfere in Iran's domestic affairs, Barack Obama added:
"But we must also bear witness to the courage and dignity
of the Iranian people, and to a remarkable opening within
Iranian society."
The Iranian authorities responded by attempting to stop
those channels of communication that best captured modern
protests: Social networking sites such as Facebook and
Twitter were targeted for closure.
What did the American authorities do in return? They
pressed Twitter to continue providing services in Iran by
abandoning a scheduled maintenance shutdown in order to
aid the demonstrators. According to a state department
official at the time: "One of the areas where people are
able to get out the word is through Twitter. They [Twitter]
announced they were going to shut down their system for
maintenance and we asked them not to." So far so good.
The US government relentlessly pursued the "rights" of
Iranians to protest peacefully and without intimidation
and continued to castigate the Iranian authorities for
the mass round up and ill treatment of demonstrators.
Such was the vehemence with which the US made its feelings
known, that the Iranian leadership in turn accused the
Americans of instigating the protests in an effort to
topple the regime. With over 30 years of bad blood between
the two countries, there was little surprise that the
instability unleashed in post-election Iran provided a
convenient opportunity for the US to unsettle Iran's
rulers.
Selective hearing?
Now fast-forward by less than two years to the present. On
January 25, 2011 mass demonstrations broke out in Cairo
against a despotic regime which has been politically
suffocating a population of some 80 million people for
almost 30 years.
Having lived under emergency rule since 1981, the people
of Egypt finally rallied for liberty, and in the process
braved the worst excesses of a police state. On that day
alone, around 860 protestors were hounded by the much-
feared secret police, arrested and beaten. Another three
were killed. A number of foreign journalists also felt
the full force of Egyptian "law".
The popular revolution train which many "freedom-loving"
nations across the world had so keenly anticipated had
finally arrived in Egypt. So you would expect the "leader
of the free world", the US, to welcome the cry for freedom
in Egypt, right? Well, not quite.
After berating the Iranian government for its heavy-handed-
ness against civilians, senior US officials entered the
Egyptian fray with a completely different attitude.
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Hillary Clinton, the US secretary of state, offered a
particular gem of advice to Egyptians, which inevitably
had the effect of rubbing salt in the protesters' wounds.
While urging "all parties" to "exercise restraint" (why
the actions of the demonstrators were equated to those of
the security forces is anyone's guess), Clinton added the
following caveat: "Our assessment is that the Egyptian
government is stable and is looking for ways to respond
to the legitimate needs and interests of the Egyptian
people."
Two days later, as the demonstrations showed little sign
of ebbing, Clinton's kid-gloves handling of the Egyptian
government similarly showed little signs of wavering.
This time, she said, the Egyptian government was facing
"an important opportunity to implement political, economic
and social reforms that respond to legitimate needs and
interests of the Egyptian people". Many an Arab dictator
must similarly be relishing the "important opportunities"
ahead to implement change!
As for the need to keep open all communications channels
for protesters, reports quickly surfaced that the Egyptian
authorities were blocking access to Facebook and Twitter.
"We urge the Egyptian authorities not to prevent peaceful
protests or block communications including on social media
sites," Clinton retorted. The generous "urge" was unlikely
to be heeded.
As the determination of the Egyptian protesters stiffened
and the country witnessed an unprecedented bout of "people
power" - despite the repression thrust upon them by
Mubarak's ill-disciplined police units - the US found it-
self increasingly walking a shaky tightrope. With phone
conversations between US and Egyptian officials accelerat-
ing, Mubarak was now being "urged" to take "concrete steps"
for reform.
After five days of unrelenting protests, and sensing that
the Egyptian masses were not buying into the US' expression
of concern, American officials finally dropped what to
Mubarak would have sounded like a bombshell: "We want to
see an orderly transition so that no-one fills a void,
that there not be a void, that there be a well thought-out
plan that will bring about a democratic participatory
government," Clinton announced.
An "orderly transition" can mean a myriad of things but
Clinton was careful to balance her words with a warning
against moving to a new government where "oppression"
could take root, a not too subtle attempt to taint
Egypt's most popular movement, the Muslim Brotherhood.
Policy by ideology
US policy in the Middle East is naturally driven by
ideology and self-interest. It is a policy built on
defining allies and foes. Those that have traditionally
demonstrated antipathy to US pursuits in the region have
been deemed outcasts and vilified whilst those who have
acquiesced, to the point of subservience, are flushed
with cash and platitudes. The examples of Iran and Egypt
are striking in this regard.
Since the Iranian revolution in 1979, relations between
the Islamic Republic and the US have been practically non-
existent. Given that the revolution itself was fervently
anti-American with Iran ridding itself of US influence,
the bitterness that ensued is self-evident. Little in the
way of compromise has been reached since the early days
of the revolution and any rapprochement (however limited)
has been met with suspicion and half-heartedness.
That the US blames Iran for a plethora of the Middle East
region's problems and Iran continues to harbour deep
distrust of the "Great Satan" is unlikely to change any-
time soon. So despite Iran having a political system which
arguably allows for real popular representation (the
country's presidency has changed hands six times since
1979, mostly through elections - and no that does not mean
that it is liberal democratic) the US is transfixed on
finding the smallest fault with Iran and badgering the
country into submission.
Some distance west of Iran sits the Arab world's most
populous nation, Egypt. Since the ascension of Hosni
Mubarak as president in 1981, the country has been ruled
by an iron fist. Not only does Mubarak not tolerate
dissent but his regime has imprisoned opponents with
such audacity that his antics make Iran look moderate.
Having sat on the presidential throne for almost three
decades, Mubarak is showing little inclination to renounce
his position or to loosen his grip. Prior to the latest
civil unrest, the Mubarak clan was gearing up to the
potential elevation of the president's son, Gamal, as the
next ruler.
The severe clampdown on street protesters has brought to
the fore the depth of repression which the Mubarak regime
has unleashed over many years. Given the disgust with
which the president is held in the country, you would
think that the global forces of "liberation" would be
rallying to the Egyptian people's cry for help. How wrong,
again.
Egypt is the second largest recipient of US military and
economic aid (after Israel) in the world, to the tune of
some $1.5bn annually. It is the standard-bearer of the
"moderate" Middle East camp, as defined by the US. It
is only one of two (Jordan being the other) major Arab
countries to have signed a peace deal with Israel. It is
enforcing the isolation of the Palestinian Hamas movement
in the Gaza Strip. It is vehemently opposed to Iran. It
does not tolerate Islamic movements and the regime is seen
as a bulwark against "Islamism," notably by suppressing
the Muslim Brotherhood. It is a haven for foreign invest-
ment and liberal economic policies. All in all, Egypt's
authoritarian leadership is befitting of US policy in
the region and therefore Egypt's interests are the US'
interests.
That the regime can willy-nilly abuse and silence its
population is of little concern. Now that the public have
spoken, we are told this presents an "important opport-
unity" for Mubarak to implement reform; reform that has
been lacking for decades.
What will happen next in Egypt is uncertain. The street
protesters are refusing to be silenced and their brazen-
ness in the face of a well equipped security force is
admirable.
The people of Iran will most likely be following events as
they unfold in Egypt with keen interest, whether on their
satellite receivers or through Facebook and Twitter.
As for the Egyptian people, time will tell whether they
will break the shackles of despotism. One thing that is
becoming clear to them, however, is this: The US government
is proving to be no friend of theirs.
Mohammed Khan is a political analyst based in the UAE.
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