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THE CONSERVATIVE REVIEW - January 5, 2010
The Real War
by Pat Buchanan
Had he not proven incompetent to detonate his lap bomb,
Umar Farouk Abdulmullatab would have carried off an air
massacre to rival Lockerbie. We would all have ended
Christmas day watching TV footage of 300 mangled bodies
being picked up around Detroit.
The system breakdown was total. His father had reported to
the U.S. embassy that Umar had gone extremist, disowned
his family and vanished in Yemen. Though the 23-year-old
Nigerian had been put on a U.S. terrorist watch list and
denied a visa to enter Britain, his U.S. visa was not
revoked.
Though he had been in Yemen for months, bought his plane
ticket in cash and boarded without luggage, he was neither
red-flagged nor screened or body-searched.
We were spared the horrible consequences of our
incompetence, only because of his incompetence. The
episode raises questions not only about airline security,
but about how we are fighting the real war we are in.
Defeating al-Qaida calls for ways and means different from
dealing with domestic crime families like the Gottis or
Gambinos.
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Organized crime is the province of police and prosecutors.
Crime bosses are read their rights and granted access to
a lawyer. They come into court in suits to undergo a fair
and equal contest to ascertain guilt or innocence. If
acquitted, they walk free.
This 23-year-old Nigerian is an enemy combatant whose way
of war is mass murder. Under the rules of war, he may be
shot. The immediate imperative was not to read him his
Miranda rights or to phone Ron Kuby. It was to subject
Abdulmullatab to intense and hostile interrogation so that
U.S. forces can quickly find, fix, attack and kill his
comrades and camp followers.
Unlike the war on crime, or the war on drugs, this is not
a metaphorical war. There is no presumption of innocence,
rather a presumption that Umar is a terrorist and did not
act alone.
The questions he should have been asked as soon as he was
pulled off the plane and hauled to a prison hospital are
these:
Who taught you to detonate a bomb? Who sewed the underwear
in which you concealed the components? Who was with you
in Yemen? What are the names of those you trained with?
Who helped you get on that plane? Who did you stay with
on your visits to the U.S.? Who gave you cash? Who paid
your bills? Where is your computer? And if you want pain
medicine for those burns, you will tell us.
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A question arises after the lackadaisical way the
administration first dealt with this potential horror. Are
we governed by serious people? A second question is raised
by the ideological journey of this 23-year-old from devout
Muslim to extremist to terrorist, and by his sojourn from
Nigeria to London to Yemen to America.
In Omar Bradley's comment on Korea, are we fighting the
wrong war, in the wrong place, at the wrong time, with the
wrong enemy?
Obama just ordered 30,000 more troops into Afghanistan.
Yet, even if Gens. David Petraeus and Stanley McChrystal
pull it off and pacify Kandahar, how does that protect
the American homeland from suicide bombers hell-bent on
blowing up airliners?
How does turning the tide in Afghanistan stop radical
Muslim youth in Africa or Arabia from being trained
to board planes with bombs and blow them up over the
Atlantic? How do 130,000 U.S. soldiers in Iraq make us
more safe from an al-Qaida that has moved into Waziristan,
Baluchistan, Yemen, Somalia and North Africa?
The Sept. 11 massacre may have been decided upon in
Afghanistan. But the perpetrators were Saudis and
Egyptians who plotted, planned and trained in Germany,
Boston, Delray Beach and Northern Virginia.
How has occupying two nations at a cost of 5,000 dead,
35,000 wounded and a trillion dollars made us safer from
an enemy that more resembles the Apache of Geronimo than
the panzers of Rommel?
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If protection of the homeland against another Sept. 11 is
the goal of this war, how relevant to that goal is the
building of clinics and schools in Kabul and keeping the
Taliban at bay in Helmand?
Are we fighting other people's wars, rather than our own
war?
We Americans are today widely hated in the Arab and Islamic
world by scores of millions, out of whom al-Qaida need but
recruit a few hundred suicide bombers to wreak havoc on our
country.
Does having 200,000 U.S. troops in their part of the world,
fighting and killing Muslims, make our country more secure
than defending our borders, keeping radicals out, running
al-Qaida down, and tracking and killing them where they
are?
To win the war we are in, we have to fight the war we are
in, not the war we prefer to fight because no one else is
so good at it.
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