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THE CONSERVATIVE REVIEW - March 23, 2010
The Wars of Tribe and Faith
by Pat Buchanan
When the Soviet Union disintegrated, most Americans likely
had never heard of Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan or
Turkmenistan.
Yet the ethnonationalism of these Asian peoples, boiling
to the surface after centuries of tsarist and communist
repression, helped tear apart one of the great empires of
history.
There swiftly followed the collapse of Yugoslavia.
Yet, if one knew nothing of the Habsburg and Ottoman
empires or the First and Second Balkan Wars of 1912-1913,
one would likely have been surprised by the sudden
emergence of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Macedonia,
Montenegro and Kosovo on the map of Europe.
What the splintering of the Soviet Union and of a
Yugoslavia whose baptismal certificate dated to the Paris
peace conference of 1919 revealed was the accuracy of
Arthur Schlesinger's insight in his 1991 "Dis-Uniting of
America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society":
"Nationalism remains after two centuries the most vital
political emotion in the world -- far more vital than
social ideologies such a communism or fascism or even
democracy. ...Within nation-states, nationalism takes the
form of ethnicity or tribalism."
Ethnic ties, Schlesinger wrote, might prove more powerful
and historically important than the forces of globalism and
democratism, which then seemed ascendant. He only neglected
to mention religious faith as often a "far more vital"
emotion than ideology.
And though the Iraq elections have been hailed as a triumph
of democracy, they would seem to prove him right.
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Kurds voted for Kurds, Shia for Shia, Sunni for Sunni on a
slate led by Ayad Allawi, a secular Shia who campaigned on
a unity ticket.
The election results resemble a national census.
In the struggle between Allawi and Prime Minister Nouri
al-Maliki to put together a government, both are courting
the Kurds, whose near-term goal is Kirkuk, control of which
would mean control of 40 percent of Iraq's oil reserves. If
the Kurds, who have been forcing their way into Kirkuk and
pushing Arabs out, can annex the city, they will have the
economic base of a Kurdistan nation, the dream of a people
whose kinfolk are spread across Turkey, Syria, Iraq and
Iran.
The Kurds are using democratic means for ethnonational
ends.
Maliki's strength is in the Shia south and the capital,
Baghdad, that has been slowly cleansed of Sunni.
Among Allawi's weaknesses is that the Shia majority may not
support as Iraq's prime minister a Shia secularist whose
strength comes from a Sunni minority that was the bulwark
of the Baath Party of Saddam Hussein.
Among the Shia are leaders who spent the Iran-Iraq war in
exile in Iran, and whose ties to the Iranian Shia seem
stronger than any ties to their Sunni countrymen.
Hence, as we indulge in self-congratulation for having
brought democracy to Iraq, Iraqis seem to be using the
process to advance ethnonational and sectarian ends that
are the antithesis of U.S. democracy. We see democracy as
an end in itself. Many in that part of the world see it as
a means of establishing their ascendancy and hegemony over
other religious and ethnic minorities.
In 2005, George W. Bush, then promoting global democracy
as the answer to all of mankind's ills and an essential
precondition for any permanent security for the United
States, demanded free elections in Egypt, Lebanon and
Palestine. The winners: the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt,
Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas. A perplexed Bush refused
to accept the results or recognize and talk to the winners.
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Before the invasion, most Americans were probably unaware
of the tribal and sectarian divisions in Iraq that may yet
produce a new Saddam to keep that country from coming apart
in sectarian and civil war.
And how many Americans were aware of the ethnic divisions
in Afghanistan, among Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazaras and Pashtun,
before we invaded? A program is underway to bring more
Pashtun into the army and police, lest the Pashtun in the
south feel invaded and occupied by alien tribes.
Globalization is no longer on the march, but on the
defensive. Economic nationalism is rising. Across the
Third World, we see an upsurge of ethnonationalism and
fundamentalism, especially among the Islamic peoples.
From Nigeria to Sudan to Mindanao, Muslims battle
Christians, as Christians are persecuted in Egypt, Iraq
and Pakistan.
In India and Thailand, Muslims battle Hindu and Buddhists.
In the Northern Caucasus, they fight Russians.
Ethnonationalism, that relentless drive of peoples to
secede and dwell apart, to establish their own nation-
state, where their faith is predominant, their language
spoken, their heroes and history revered, and they rule
to the exclusion of all others, is rampant.
In China, Tibetans fight assimilation and the mass
migration of Han Chinese into what was their country, as
do the Uighurs in the west who dream of an East Turkestan
breaking away and taking its place among the nations of
the world.
In speaking of the rising tribalism abroad, Schlesinger
added, "The ethnic upsurge in America, far from being
unique, partakes of the global fever."
Indeed, separatism and secessionism seem to be in the air.
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