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THE CONSERVATIVE REVIEW - December 29, 2009
The Vacuity of Double Triumphs
by George Will
WASHINGTON - It was serendipitous to have almost
simultaneous climaxes in Copenhagen and Congress. The
former's accomplishment was indiscernible, the latter's
was unsightly.
It would have been unprecedented had the president not
described the outcome of the Copenhagen climate change
summit as "unprecedented," that being the most overworked
word in his hardworking vocabulary of self-celebration.
Actually, the mountain beneath the summit -- a mountain
of manufactured hysteria, predictable cupidity, antic
demagoguery and dubious science -- labored mightily and
gave birth to a mouselet, a 12-paragraph document
committing the signatories to... make a list.
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A list of the goals they have no serious intention of
trying to meet. The document even dropped the words "as
soon as possible" from its call for a binding agreement
on emissions.
The 1992 Rio climate summit begat Kyoto. It, like
Copenhagen, which Kyoto begat, was "saved," as Copenhagen
was, by a last-minute American intervention (Vice President
Al Gore's) that midwifed an agreement that most signatories
evaded for 12 years. The Clinton-Gore administration never
submitted Kyoto's accomplishment for ratification, the
Senate having denounced its terms 95-0.
Copenhagen will beget Mexico City next November. Before
then, Congress will give "the international community"
other reasons to pout. Congress will refuse to burden the
economy with cap-and-trade carbon-reduction requirements,
and will spurn calls for sending billions in "climate
reparations" to China and other countries. Representatives
of those nations, when they did not have their hands out
in Copenhagen grasping for America's wealth, clapped their
hands in ovations for Hugo Chavez and other kleptocrats
who denounced capitalism while clamoring for its fruits.
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The New York Times reported from Copenhagen that Barack
Obama "burst into a meeting of the Chinese, Indian and
Brazilian leaders, according to senior administration
officials. Mr. Obama said he did not want them negotiating
in secret." Naughty them. Those three nations will be even
less pliable in Mexico City.
At least the president got a health care bill through the
Senate. But what problem does it "solve" (Obama's word)?
Not that of the uninsured, 23 million of whom will remain
in 2019. Not that of rising health care spending. This
will rise faster over the next decade.
The legislation does solve the Democrats' "problem" of
figuring out how to worsen the dependency culture and
the entitlement mentality that grows with it. By 2016,
families with annual incomes of $96,000 will get sub-
sidized health insurance premiums.
Nebraska's Ben Nelson voted for the Senate bill after
opposing both the Medicare cuts and taxes on high-value
insurance plans -- the heart of the bill's financing.
Arkansas' Blanche Lincoln, Indiana's Evan Bayh and
Virginia's Jim Webb voted against one or the other. Yet
they support the bill. They will need mental health care
to cure their intellectual whiplash.
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Before equating Harry Reid to Henry Clay, understand that
buying 60 Senate votes is a process more protracted than
difficult. Reid was buying the votes of senators whose
understanding of the duties of representation does not
rise above looting the nation for local benefits. And Reid
had two advantages -- the spending, taxing and borrowing
powers of the federal leviathan, and an almost gorgeous
absence of scruples or principles. Principles are general
rules, such as: Nebraska should not be exempt from burdens
imposed on the other 49 states.
Principles have not, however, been entirely absent:
Nebraska's Republican governor, Dave Heineman, and
Republican senator, Mike Johanns, have honorably denounced
Nebraska's exemption from expanded Medicaid costs. The
exemption was one payment for Nelson's vote to impose the
legislation on Nebraskans, 67 percent of whom oppose it.
Considering all the money and debasement of the rule of
law required to purchase 60 votes, the bill the Senate
passed might be the only bill that can get 60. The House,
however, voted for Rep. Bart Stupak's provision preserving
the ban on public funding of abortions. Nelson, an
untalented negotiator, unnecessarily settled for much
less. The House also supports a surtax on affluent
Americans, and opposes the steep tax on some high-value
health insurance. So to get the bill to the president's
desk, the House, in conference with the Senate, may have
to shrug and say: Oh, never mind.
During this long debate, the left has almost always yielded
ground. Still, to swallow the Senate bill, the House will
have to swallow its pride, if it has any. The conference
report reconciling the House and Senate bills will reveal
whether the House is reconciled to being second fiddle in
a one-fiddle orchestra.
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