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THE CONSERVATIVE REVIEW - June 25, 2010
Obama vs. the U.S. Army
by: Pat Buchanan
In confiding to Rolling Stone their unflattering opinions
of the military acumen of Barack Obama, Joe Biden, National
Security Adviser Gen. James Jones, Dick Holbrooke and
Ambassador Karl Eikenberry, Gen. Stanley McChrystal and
his staff were guilty of colossal stupidity.
And President Obama had cause to cashier them. Yet his
decision to fire McChrystal may prove both unwise and
costly.
For McChrystal, unlike Gen. MacArthur, never challenged
the war policy -- he is carrying it out -- and Barack
Obama is no Harry Truman.
Moreover, the war strategy Obama is pursuing is the
McChrystal Plan, devised by the general and being
implemented by the general in Marja and Kandahar,
perhaps the decisive campaign of the war.
Should that plan now fail, full responsibility falls on
Obama.
He has made the Afghan war his war in a way it never was
before.
If the McChrystal strategy fails, critics will charge
Obama with causing the defeat by firing the best fighting
general in the Army out of pique over some officers-club
remarks that bruised the egos of West Wing warriors.
And though those remarks never should have appeared in
print, they may well reflect the sentiments of not a few
soldiers and Marine officers on third and fourth tours
of duty in the Afghan theater.
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Had Obama, instead of firing McChrystal, told him to shut
up, can the interviews and go back to fighting the war
until the December review of strategy, he could have
shown those soldiers he is a bigger man than they or
McChrystal's team give him credit for.
And if success in Afghanistan is the highest goal, how
does it help to fire the best fighting general? Do you
relieve Gen. Patton during combat because he vents his
prejudices or opinions?
This city may draw the parallel, but the Obama-McChrystal
clash does not remotely rise to the historic level of the
collision between MacArthur and Truman.
Truman had dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki,
ordered the airlift that broke the Berlin blockade, and
produced the Marshall Plan and NATO. He had won election
in his own right with a legendary comeback in 1948.
Obama has nothing like Truman's credibility as a war
leader.
And MacArthur was the most famous U.S. soldier since Gen.
Grant. No. 1 at West Point, he was a legendary commander
in France in 1918, leading troops out of the trenches
with a swagger stick.
Driven out of the Philippines in 1942, he had declared,
"I shall return," and led the liberation of the islands
in 1944. He conducted the famous island-hopping campaign
up the archipelagos of the South Pacific and took Japan's
surrender on the battleship Missouri in Tokyo Bay.
As military proconsul, he presided over the reconstruction
of Japan, wrote her constitution and converted her into an
ally.
When North Korea invaded the South and drove the U.S. Army
into the Pusan perimeter, MacArthur landed Marines far
behind enemy lines at Inchon in a flanking maneuver that
destroyed the North Korean army and will be studied at
military academies for centuries to come.
In late 1950, MacArthur was stunned by the intervention in
Korea of the armies of Mao Zedong, lately victorious in
China's four-year civil war.
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MacArthur's clash with Truman was not over something so
trivial as a gossipy article in Rolling Stone. MacArthur's
hands had been tied by Truman.
He was not allowed to bomb the Yalu bridges over which
Chinese troops were pouring into Korea. He was not allowed
to bomb Chinese troop concentrations and munitions dumps
in Manchuria. He was not allowed to use Chiang Kai-shek's
armies on Taiwan. He was not allowed hot pursuit of enemy
aircraft into Chinese or Russian airspace.
MacArthur was being restricted to fighting the war Mao
wanted to fight, a war of attrition against the world's
most populous nation, and largest army, while China was
allowed to remain a privileged sanctuary, off-limits to
U.S. bombers like those that smashed Germany and Japan.
In his address to Congress, after his firing by Truman,
MacArthur put it this way: "'Why,' my soldiers asked of
me, 'surrender military advantages to an enemy in the
field?' I could not answer."
MacArthur's letter to Rep. Joe Martin, in response to a
letter from the GOP leader, was indeed a challenge to
Truman's policy of avoiding any risk of a clash with
Russia, even if it meant U.S. soldiers would pay the
price of Truman's timidity.
Events would prove MacArthur right.
Truman's restrictions would ensure a "no-win war" for two
more years that would cost tens of thousands more American
lives, and Harry would be sent packing with the lowest
rating of any president in history.
Gen. Eisenhower would take office, two years after
MacArthur's firing, and threaten the exact escalation
MacArthur envisioned, ending the Korean War in six
months.
Obama and his party may be celebrating his cashiering of
Gen. McChrystal as a macho moment, but by firing the
fighting general, for his foolish remarks, Obama has
deepened the gulf between his party and the U.S. military.
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