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THE CONSERVATIVE REVIEW - October 23, 2009
Debacle in Moscow
by Charles Krauthammer
WASHINGTON - About the only thing more comical than Barack
Obama's Nobel Peace Prize was the reaction of those who
deemed the award "premature," as if the brilliance of
Obama's foreign policy is so self-evident and its success
so assured that if only the Norway Five had waited a few
years, his Nobel worthiness would have been universally
acknowledged.
To believe this, you have to be a dreamy adolescent
(preferably Scandinavian and a member of the Socialist
International) or an indiscriminate imbiber of White
House talking points. After all, this was precisely the
spin on the president's various apology tours through
Europe and the Middle East: National self-denigration --
excuse me, outreach and understanding -- is not meant to
yield immediate results; it simply plants the seeds of
good feeling from which foreign policy successes shall
come.
Chauncey Gardiner could not have said it better. Well, at
nine months, let's review.
What's come from Obama holding his tongue while Iranian
demonstrators were being shot and from his recognizing the
legitimacy of a thug regime illegitimately returned to
power in a fraudulent election? Iran cracks down even more
mercilessly on the opposition and races ahead with its
nuclear program.
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What's come from Secretary of State Hillary Clinton taking
human rights off the table on a visit to China and from
Obama's shameful refusal to see the Dalai Lama (a postpone-
ment, we are told). China hasn't moved an inch on North
Korea, Iran or human rights. Indeed it's pushing with
Russia to dethrone the dollar as the world's reserve
currency.
What's come from the new-respect-for-Muslims Cairo speech
and the unprecedented pressure on Israel for a total
settlement freeze? "The settlement push backfired," reports
The Washington Post, and Arab-Israeli peace prospects have
"arguably regressed."
And what's come from Obama's single most dramatic foreign
policy stroke -- the sudden abrogation of missile defense
arrangements with Poland and the Czech Republic that
Russia had virulently opposed? For the East Europeans it
was a crushing blow, a gratuitous restoration of Russian
influence over a region that thought it had regained
independence under American protection.
But maybe not gratuitous. Surely we got something in
return for selling out our friends. Some brilliant secret
trade-off to get strong Russian support for stopping Iran
from going nuclear before it's too late? Just wait and
see, said administration officials, who then gleefully
played up an oblique statement by President Dmitry
Medvedev a week later as vindication of the missile
defense betrayal.
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The Russian statement was so equivocal that such a claim
seemed a ridiculous stretch at the time. Well, Clinton
went to Moscow this week to nail down the deal. What did
she get?
"Russia Not Budging On Iran Sanctions: Clinton Unable to
Sway Counterpart." Such was The Washington Post headline's
succinct summary of the debacle.
Note how thoroughly Clinton was rebuffed. Russian Foreign
Minister Sergei Lavrov declared that "threats, sanctions
and threats of pressure" are "counterproductive." Note:
It's not just sanctions that are worse than useless, but
even the threat of mere pressure.
It gets worse. Having failed to get any movement from the
Russians, Clinton herself moved -- to accommodate the
Russian position! Sanctions? What sanctions? "We are not
at that point yet," she averred. "That is not a conclusion
we have reached ... it is our preference that Iran work
with the international community."
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But wait a minute. Didn't Obama say in July that Iran
had to show compliance by the G-20 summit in late
September? And when that deadline passed, did he not
then warn Iran that it would face "sanctions that have
bite" and that it would have to take "a new course or
face consequences"?
Gone with the wind. It's the U.S. that's now retreating
from its already flimsy position of just three weeks ago.
We're not doing sanctions now, you see. We're back to
engagement. Just as the Russians suggest.
Henry Kissinger once said that the main job of Anatoly
Dobrynin, the perennial Soviet ambassador to Washington,
was to tell the Kremlin leadership that whenever they
received a proposal from the United States that appeared
disadvantageous to the United States, not to assume it
was a trick.
No need for a Dobrynin today. The Russian leadership,
hardly believing its luck, needs no interpreter to under-
stand that when the Obama team clownishly rushes in bear-
ing gifts and "reset" buttons, there is nothing ulterior,
diabolical, clever or even serious behind it. It is
amateurishness, wrapped in naivete, inside credulity. In
short, the very stuff of Nobels.
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